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The US-led sanctions regime and low oil prices have battered the Russian economy, which is expected to contract by 0.8% in 2016.
以美國為首的制裁和低油價打擊了俄羅斯經濟,預計2016年俄羅斯經濟將收縮0.
翻譯成英文。
Thus, Putin is more reluctant than ever to offer territorial concessions, lest it tarnish his domestic image as a staunch defender of Russian national interests.
8%。 因此,普京更加不願意在領土問題上讓步,唯恐玷汙其俄羅斯國家利益堅定捍衛者的國內形象。
翻譯成英文。
Against this backdrop, it is not surprising that Abe left the recent “onsen summit” with dashed hopes of resolving the territorial dispute, while Putin returned home with 68 new commercial accords.
在這樣的背景下,安倍在“溫泉峰會”解決領土爭議的希望破滅,而俄羅斯帶著68份新商業協議回國,這一結果一點都不令人驚訝。
翻譯成英文。
Many of the new agreements are symbolic, but some are substantive, including deals worth $2.5 billion and an agreement to set up a $1 billion bilateral-investment fund.
新協議中不少是象徵性的,但也有一些是實質性的,包括一份價值25億美元、成立一個10億美元雙邊投資基金的協議。
翻譯成英文。
在後一份協議中,日本和俄羅斯將建立一個“特殊框架”管理爭議島嶼上的經濟活動。
Under the latter agreement, Japan and Russia are supposed create a “special framework” for joint economic activities on the disputed islands.
翻譯成中文。
但該計劃已經遇到了麻煩。
But the plan has already run into trouble.
翻譯成中文。
Peter Shelakhaev, a senior Russian official who leads the government’s Far East Investment and Export Agency, has indicated that there are legal hurdles to establishing such a framework, and that Japanese firms doing business on the Kurils would have to pay taxes to Russia.
俄羅斯政府遠東投資和出口局(Far East Investment and Export Agency)主管彼得·舍拉哈耶夫(Peter Shelakhaev)表示建立這一框架存在法律障礙,在南千島群島經營的日本企業必須向俄羅斯納稅。
翻譯成英文。
但是,如果日本照辦,就等於承認了俄羅斯對這些島嶼的司法管轄權。
If Japan did that, however, it would effectively be recognizing Russia’s jurisdiction over the islands.
翻譯成中文。
Abe has thus been denied the legacy that he sought, while Putin has succeeded in easing Russia’s international isolation.
因此,安倍想要的東西被拒絕了,而普京成功地緩解了俄羅斯的孤立。
翻譯成英文。
安倍是俄羅斯吞併克里米亞後第一位與普京舉行峰會的G7領導人,眼下俄羅斯贏得了日本的經濟合作。
Abe was the first G7 leader to hold a summit with Putin after Russia annexed Crimea, and now Russia has won Japan’s economic cooperation, too.
翻譯成中文。
Japan is the only G7 country that has a territorial dispute with Russia, and it is clearly more eager to reach a deal than the Kremlin is.
日本是唯一一個與俄羅斯存在領土糾紛的G7國家,並且它顯然比克里姆林宮更渴望達成協議。
翻譯成英文。
But this has only strengthened Russia’s hand.
但這正中俄羅斯下懷。
翻譯成英文。
While Japan has softened its position, and signaled that it may accept only a partial return of the islands, Russia has grown only more intransigent.
日本立場有所軟化,並且釋放出訊號可以接受區域性歸還爭議島嶼,而俄羅斯的立場變得更加強硬。
翻譯成英文。
After the recent summit, Abe revealed that Putin now seems to be reneging on a 1956 agreement between Japan and the Soviet Union, which stipulates that the smaller two of the four islands will be returned to Japan after a peace treaty is signed.
最新峰會後,安倍透露普京似乎否1956年日本與蘇聯簽訂的協議,該協議規定北方四島中較小的兩個將在日俄締結和平條約後歸還日本。
翻譯成英文。
今年是這一聯合宣告簽署60週年,當時,這份宣告被廣泛視為是一個突破。
As it happens, this year marks the 60th anniversary of that joint declaration, which was widely viewed as a breakthrough at the time.
翻譯成中文。
如今,克里姆林宮表示它是否會兌現宣告的條件是日本不加入針對俄羅斯的安全聯盟。
The Kremlin is now suggesting that its commitment to fulfilling the declaration was conditional on Japan not joining any security alliance against Russia.
翻譯成中文。
普京還表示擔心,1960年日美安全條約範圍將擴大到歸還的兩島,從而美國也能夠在那裡部署軍事設施。
And Putin has expressed concerns that the 1960 Japan-US Security Treaty would extend to the disputed islands if they were returned, thus allowing the US to establish a military presence there.
翻譯成中文。
日本沒有為俄羅斯解決擔憂的立場。
Japan is in no position to address Russia’s concerns.
翻譯成中文。
它不能選擇跳出美國領導的制裁; 也不能讓爭議的北方四島不受日美安全條約的管轄,特別是在如今日本一直在敦促美國就捍衛日本控制、中國主張主權的釣魚島做出明確承諾的時候。
It cannot opt out of the US-led sanctions regime; and it cannot exempt the disputed Kurils from its security treaty with the US, especially now that it has been urging the US to provide an explicit commitment to defend the Japanese-controlled Senkaku Islands, over which China claims sovereignty.
翻譯成中文。
至於普京,他似乎對他的談判立場相當滿意。
Putin, for his part, appears smugly content with his negotiating position.
翻譯成中文。
在溫泉峰會上,他遲到了三小時,延續了他讓外國領導人等他的習慣; 還拒絕了日本政府的禮物——為日本2012年送給他的日本秋田犬配一隻雄性伴侶。
Not only did he arrive almost three hours late to the onsen summit, in keeping with his habit of leaving foreign leaders waiting; he also declined a Japanese government gift – a male companion for his native Japanese Akita dog, which Japan gave him in 2012.
翻譯成中文。
如今,安倍為討好普京而擲下的政治資本基本上是打了水漂。
There is little hope now that Abe will see tangible returns on the political capital he has invested in cultivating Putin.
翻譯成中文。
而日本的困境反而更加深化了。
And Japan’s dilemma will only deepen.
翻譯成中文。
US President-elect Donald Trump’s desire to improve relations with Russia may give Abe leeway to continue wooing Putin; but if Russia gets the US in its corner, it won’t need Japan anymore.
美國當選總統唐納德·特朗普準備緩和對俄關係或許有利於安倍繼續討好普京; 但如果俄羅斯得到了美國,就再也不需要日本了。
翻譯成英文。
柏林共識?
A Berlin Consensus?
翻譯成中文。
發自香港——最近的柏林之行令我回想起了自己的上一次到訪,那是1967年的夏天,作為一個窮學生的我,在那堵還將繼續分割和壓抑整個德國社會20多年的高牆前震驚不已。
HONG KONG – A recent trip to Berlin brought back memories of an earlier visit in the summer of 1967, when I was a poor student who marveled at the Wall that would divide and devastate an entire society for another two decades.
翻譯成中文。
Berlin today is vibrant and rejuvenated, rebuilt by the German peoples' hard work and sacrifice to unify the country, and an apt setting for the conference of the Institute for New Economic Thinking (INET), which I was there to attend.
如今在德國人民的艱苦努力以及為統一做出的犧牲之下,柏林早已生機勃勃,重現往日活力,此外新經濟思維研究中心(Institute for New Economic Thinking)會議適當的議題設定對此也有貢獻,而本人正是來參加這場會議的。
翻譯成英文。
The conference’s theme was “Paradigm Lost,” with more than 300 economists, political scientists, systems analysts, and ecologists gathering to rethink economic and political theory for the challenges and uncertainty posed by growing inequality, rising unemployment, global financial disarray, and climate change.
會議的主題是“正規化的失落”,超過300位經濟學家,政治科學家,系統分析者和生態學者齊聚一堂,討論當今日漸惡化的不平等狀況、失業率升高,全球金融紊亂和氣候變化等問題所引發的挑戰以及不確定性,並重新思考與之對應的經濟和政治理論。
翻譯成英文。
幾乎所有與會代表都贊同一點,那就是新古典主義經濟學的舊有正規化已經失效,但在何種正規化可以取而代之這一點上卻未能達成共識。
Almost everyone agreed that the old paradigm of neoclassical economics was broken, but there was no agreement on what can replace it.
翻譯成中文。
諾貝爾經濟學獎得主阿馬蒂亞·森(Amartya Sen)在會上指出,歐洲的危機源自於四個方面的失效——政治、經濟,社會和智力層面。
Nobel laureate Amartya Sen attributed the European crisis to four failures – political, economic, social, and intellectual.
翻譯成中文。
這場全球金融危機——始於2007年美國次級貸危機並最終擴大成為歐洲主權債務(及銀行)危機——提出了一些我們無法回答的問題,而其原因則是知識的過度專業化和碎片化。
The global financial crisis, which began in 2007 as a crisis of US subprime lending and has broadened into a European sovereign-debt (and banking) crisis, has raised questions that we cannot answer, owing to over-specialization and fragmentation of knowledge.
翻譯成中文。
同時也無可否認,我們的世界已經變得極端複雜,以致無法用任何簡單且高度概括性的理論去解釋在經濟、技術,人口構成以及環境方面的所發生的複雜轉變。
And yet there is no denying that the world has become too intricate for any simple, overarching theory to explain complex economic, technological, demographic, and environmental shifts.
翻譯成中文。
In particular, the rise of emerging markets has challenged traditional Western deductive and inductive logic.
尤其重要的是,新興市場的崛起使西方的演繹和歸納邏輯遭到了挑戰。
翻譯成英文。
演繹推理使我們在知道原理(法則)和起因的情況下可以預測出結果。
Deductive inference enables us to predict effects if we know the principles (the rule) and the cause.
翻譯成中文。
By inductive reasoning, if we know the cause and effects, we can infer the principles.
而通過使用歸納法,我們則可以在知道前因後果的情況下推斷出中間的原理。
翻譯成英文。
Eastern thinking, by contrast, has been abductive, moving from pragmatism to guessing the next steps.
相比之下,東方的思考方式則是溯因式的,從實用主義出發去猜測下一步該如何行動。
翻譯成英文。
Abductive inference is pragmatic, looking only at outcomes, guessing at the rule, and identifying the cause.
溯因推理注重實效,只關注結果,通過結果來猜想原理,再由此確定原因。
翻譯成英文。
以歷史為例,社會-科學理論是由勝利者撰寫的,同時也受到特定時代背景和當時(社會主要)矛盾的影響。
Like history, social-scientific theory is written by the victors and shaped by the context and challenges of its time.
翻譯成中文。
Free-market thinking evolved from Anglo-Saxon theorists (many from Scotland), who migrated and colonized territories, allowing fortunate individuals to assume that there were no limits to consumption.
自由市場理念演化自盎格魯-撒克遜理論家(其中許多來自蘇格蘭),他們不斷移居和殖民新的地域,讓那些擁有財富的個人覺得消費是會無限增長的。
翻譯成英文。
European continental thinking, responding to urbanization and the need for social order, emphasized institutional analysis of political economy.
而歐洲大陸的思想則主要服務於城市化以及對社會秩序的追求,因此強調對政治經濟的體制性分析。
翻譯成英文。
Thus, the emergence of neoclassical economics in the nineteenth century was very much influenced by Newtonian and Cartesian physics, moving from qualitative analysis to quantifying human behavior by assuming rational behavior and excluding uncertainty.
因此,新古典主義經濟學在19世紀的崛起在很大程度上都是受到了牛頓和笛卡爾流派物理學的影響,從定性分析轉向對人類行為的定量分析,假設這些行為都是理性的同時不斷對不確定性加以排除。
翻譯成英文。
This “predetermined equilibrium” thinking – reflected in the view that markets always self-correct – led to policy paralysis until the Great Depression, when John Maynard Keynes’s argument for government intervention to address unemployment and output gaps gained traction.
這一“預先設定的均衡”理念——認為市場總能自我糾正——導致了政策癱瘓,直到大蕭條來襲,而約翰·梅納德·凱恩斯(John Maynard Keynes)則因此提出政府應當出手干涉失業問題,而產出與消費之間的差距問題也得到了重視。
翻譯成英文。
到了1970年代,新古典主義總體均衡學派通過一個假設“金融只是一張包裝紙”的實體部門模型說服了凱恩斯主義者,並因此令他們對金融市場的不穩定作用一無所知。
By the 1970’s, the neoclassical general-equilibrium school captured Keynesian economics through real-sector models that assumed that “finance is a veil,” thereby becoming blind to financial markets’ destabilizing effects.
翻譯成中文。
海曼·明斯基(Hyman Minsky)這樣的經濟學家嘗試去糾正這一錯誤,但當時領導經濟學界的是米爾頓·弗裡德曼等自由市場和最小政府的鼓吹者,於是明斯基之輩也只能默默無聞了。
Economists like Hyman Minsky, who tried to correct this, were largely ignored as Milton Friedman and others led the profession’s push for free markets and minimal government intervention.
翻譯成中文。
But then technology, demographics, and globalization brought dramatic new challenges that the neoclassical approach could not foresee.
但隨後出現的科技,人口分佈特徵和全球化則令新古典經濟學派迎來了意料之外的挑戰。
翻譯成英文。
Even as the world’s advanced countries over-consumed through leveraging from derivative finance, four billion of the world’s seven billion people began moving to middle-income status, making huge demands on global resources and raising the issue of ecological sustainability.
隨著全球發達國家通過金融衍生品提供的槓桿來實現過度消費,世界70億人口中有40億開始進入中等收入狀態,不但對全球資源造成了巨大需求,也催生了環境生態的可持續發展問題。
翻譯成英文。
我們需要新的思維來應對這些大規模且系統性的變革需要,同時也需要把中國和印度這樣的大國整合進入現代世界。
New thinking is required to manage these massive and systemic changes, as well as the integration of giants like China and India into the modern world.
翻譯成中文。
A change of mindset is needed not just in the West, but also in the East.
不但西方需要轉換思維,東方也是如此。
翻譯成英文。
In 1987, the historian Ray Huang explained it for China:
為此歷史學家黃仁宇早在1987年就針對中國進行了論述:
翻譯成英文。
 “隨著世界進入現代時期,大多數承受著內部和外部壓力的國家都必須對自身進行重建,用基於商業的一套法則來取代原���構建於農業經驗之上的管治模式……但這是件知易行難的事。
“As the world enters the modern era, most countries under internal and external pressure need to reconstruct themselves by substituting the mode of governance rooted in agrarian experience with a new set of rules based on commerce.…This is easier said than done.
翻譯成中文。
整個更新過程將影響到上下兩個階層,並不可避免地需要重新修復兩者之間的體制聯絡。
The renewal process could affect the top and bottom layers, and inevitably it is necessary to recondition the institutional links between them.
翻譯成中文。
Comprehensive destruction is often the order; and it may take decades to bring the work to completion.”
全面破壞將成為常態; 而且往往需要數十年來完成這項工作。
翻譯成英文。
Using this macro-historical framework, we can see Japanese deflation, European debt, and even the Arab Spring as phases of systemic changes within complex structures that are interacting with one another in a new, multipolar global system.
利用微歷史的框架,我們可以看到一個新的,多極化全球體系之中存在著許多不斷產生互動的複雜結構,而日本通脹,歐洲債務甚至阿拉伯之春則可被視為這些結構內部某一階段的系統性變革。
翻譯成英文。
We are witnessing simultaneous global convergence (the narrowing of income, wealth, and knowledge gaps between countries) and local divergence (widening income, wealth, and knowledge gaps within countries).
我們正見證著各種同時進行中的全球收斂現象(各國之間收入,財富和知識差距的不斷收窄)以及本地分化現象(各國內部收入,財富和知識差距的不斷加大)。
翻譯成英文。
Adaptive systems struggle with order and creativity as they evolve.
適應性系統在演化的過程中會不斷在秩序和創新性之間左右搖擺。
翻譯成英文。
正如英國哲學家伯特蘭·羅素(Bertrand Russell)所預見的那樣:“安全與正義要求集權化的政府控制,而這個系統如果要達到有效的話就勢必要擴張成為一個全球政府。
As the philosopher Bertrand Russell presciently put it: “Security and justice require centralized governmental control, which must extend to the creation of a world government if it is to be effective.
翻譯成中文。
Progress, on the contrary, requires the utmost scope for personal initiative that is compatible with social order.”
相反,進步則要求實現一個與社會秩序相容的,最大範圍的個人主動性。 ”
翻譯成英文。
一個被經濟學家約瑟夫·熊彼得(Joseph Schumpeter)稱之為“創造性破壞”的新浪潮已經湧現:即便中央銀行奮力通過向市場注入大量流動性來保持穩定,對企業和家庭的信貸依然不斷緊縮。 我們生活在一個對通脹和通縮的兩大恐懼同時並存的時代;
A new wave of what the economist Joseph Schumpeter famously called “creative destruction” is under way: even as central banks struggle to maintain stability by flooding markets with liquidity, credit to business and households is shrinking.
翻譯成中文。
We live in an age of simultaneous fear of inflation and deflation; of unprecedented prosperity amid growing inequality; and of technological advancement and resource depletion.
既有前所未有的繁榮,又有不斷擴大的不平等; 一方面科技進步,另一方面則存在資源枯竭。
翻譯成英文。
與此同時,現有的政治系統既不願意做出犧牲,卻又承諾會提供好工作,優秀管治,可持續環境和社會和諧——這是一個自私自利的搭便車者夢想的天堂,但代價則是犧牲了自然環境以及子孫後代的福祉。
Meanwhile, existing political systems promise good jobs, sound governance, a sustainable environment, and social harmony without sacrifice – a paradise of self-interested free riders that can be sustained only by sacrificing the natural environment and the welfare of future generations.
翻譯成中文。
我們不能通過印鈔的方式永遠推遲承擔適應變革所帶來的陣痛。
We cannot postpone the pain of adjustment forever by printing money.
翻譯成中文。
Sustainability can be achieved only when the haves become willing to sacrifice for the have-nots.
只有當既得利益者願意為非既得利益者做出犧牲的時候,可持續性才可能實現。
翻譯成英文。
The Washington Consensus of free-market reforms for developing countries ended more than two decades ago.
針對發展中國國家自由市場改革的華盛頓共識已經在20年前達成。
翻譯成英文。
而柏林新經濟思維研究中心會議則顯示我們需要一個新的共識——為了團結統一而做出犧牲。
The INET conference in Berlin showed the need for a new one – a consensus that supports sacrifice in the interest of unity.
翻譯成中文。
Europe could use it.
歐洲當採用之。
翻譯成英文。
Accepting Japan at Its Word
接受日本的用詞
翻譯成英文。
東京—近幾年來,訪日遊客數量迅速增長,去年創出1,340萬人次新高,比2013年增加29%。
TOKYO – In recent years, the number of tourists visiting Japan has been increasing rapidly, reaching a record 13.4 million last year, a 29% increase from 2013.
翻譯成中文。
日本似乎正在大踏步向重新成為亞洲文化中心的目標邁進。 一百年前,也就是印度諾貝爾獎詩人泰戈爾生活在東京的時候,日本曾經是亞洲文化中心。
Japan seems to be making great strides toward its goal of recapturing the position as an Asian cultural center that it held a century ago, when the Indian Nobel laureate poet Rabindranath Tagore lived in Tokyo.
翻譯成中文。
Chinese revolutionary leaders Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek, along with many other prominent Asians, moved there as well.
中國革命領袖孫中山和蔣介石以及其他諸多亞洲名人也紛紛來到日本。
翻譯成英文。
如今,所有來日旅客都會學會兩個關鍵詞:“多末”,意思是“你好”、“謝謝”或“很好”; 以及“斯米馬賽”,它包括了domo的全部含義,還可以表達“對不起”和“勞駕”。
Anyone visiting Japan today would do well to learn two key words: domo, meaning “hello,” “thanks,” or “well,” and sumimasen, which can carry any of the meanings of domo, as well as “sorry” or “excuse me.”
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普通日本人每天都要說無數次“斯米馬賽”,有一點點事情或犯一點點錯誤就用這個詞向朋友或陌生人致歉。
Ordinary Japanese say sumimasen countless times each day, to apologize to friends or strangers for even the most trivial accident or mistake.
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但是,自二戰以來,日本領導人真切地感受到,向其他國家表達悔恨之情並不那麼簡單。
But, as Japan’s leaders have experienced firsthand since World War II, expressing regret to other countries is not so simple.
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Yet that is precisely what Prime Minister Shinzo Abe must do in his upcoming statement marking the 70th anniversary of the end of the war.
但這正是首相安倍晉三在即將到來的二戰結束70週年紀念講話中所要做的。
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該講話將以諸多日本乃至全球著名二戰史家的意見為基礎,但更重要的是安倍本人、他的良知和他的用心,因為他明白,在這個高度敏感的話題上,他的用語意義重大。
The statement will be based on consultations with many of Japan’s, and the world’s, leading WWII historians, as well as – and more important – with himself, his conscience, and his heart, because he understands the significance of his words on this highly fraught topic.
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Of course, Abe is far from the first Japanese leader to confront this challenge.
當然,安倍絕非首位面臨如此挑戰的日本領導人。
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在他以前,無數首相和內閣官方長官都對二戰中所發生的事件表達了誠摯的懺悔。
His statement will follow a long line of declarations by prime ministers and chief cabinet secretaries expressing sincere remorse over the events of WWII.
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Twenty years ago, Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama, the head of the Socialist Party, acknowledged that “Japan, through its colonial rule and aggression, caused tremendous damage and suffering to the people of many countries,” particularly in Asia.
二十年前,時任首相、社會黨黨首村山富市承認“日本的殖民統治和侵略給許多國家的人民造成了嚴重傷害和苦難,”特別是亞洲國家。
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他接著表示“感到深深的懺悔”,向受害者致以“衷心的歉意”。
He went on to express “feelings of deep remorse” and offer a “heartfelt apology” to the victims.
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十年後,小泉純一郎首相重申了村山的歉詞,並說二戰結束以來日本一直在“用行動表達對戰爭的懺悔,”特別是發展援助和人道主義行動。
Ten years later, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi reiterated Murayama’s words, adding that since the war, Japan had been “manifesting its remorse for the war through actions,” especially development assistance and humanitarian activities.
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小泉還承諾“日本是熱愛和平的國家,將盡其所能致力於實現全人類的和平與繁榮。 ”
Koizumi also pledged that “Japan, as a peace-loving nation, will work to achieve peace and prosperity for all humankind with all its resources.”
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Despite these straightforward declarations of regret, some governments and citizens continue to demand more, giving the impression that nothing a Japanese leader says or does will convince them of the country’s remorse.
儘管日本做出了這些直白的懺悔,但一些政府和人民仍不滿足,給人們一種日本領導人的所作所為並沒有讓他們感到日本的悔意的印象。
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This intractability is, in some cases, understandable; the pain of survivors and their descendants remains acute.
從某種程度上,這個棘手問題不難理解; 倖存者及其後代的痛苦依然劇烈。
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But in many other cases, the unwillingness to move beyond history is driven by political interests.
但在某些情形中,不願拋棄歷史恩怨是因為政治利益。
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Indeed, political motivations are behind claims that Abe does not agree with past official apologies, despite his repeated assurances that he does, as well as suggestions that he is seeking to revise history, even though he has never denied Japan’s colonial aggression.
事實上,聲稱安倍不同意此前的官方道歉(儘管他一再保證他同意此前的道歉),其背後便是政治動機; 同樣,認為安倍試圖推翻歷史(儘管他從未否認日本的殖民侵略),其背後也是政治動機。
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Moreover, some have produced portrayals of Japan, as a whole, as an unrepentant country – or, worse, as one that is hell-bent on remilitarization.
此外,一些人將日本的整體形象刻畫為一個冥頑不靈的國家——更有甚者,說日本鐵了心要重走軍國主義老路。
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這樣的描述不可不謂厚顏無恥,因為七十年來日本一直是國際社會和平而具有建設性的成員。
Such depictions are breathtaking in their audacity, given Japan’s seven-decade record as a peaceful and constructive member of the international community.
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This is not lost on those in Japan who ask for how long their country will have to apologize, with some even suggesting that after 70 years, a “tweet” on the subject should amount to adequate acknowledgement by Abe.
對於一些質問祖國究竟需要道歉多長時間的日本人來說,這一點很重要,有人甚至認為,70年後,關於該主題的一條“推特”應該足以讓安倍認識到這一點。
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但是,首相仍決定就該主題發表強烈而誠摯的講話。
The prime minister, however, remains committed to issuing a strong and sincere statement on the subject.
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Early this year, Abe announced his intention to use the 70th anniversary statement to communicate Japan’s remorse for the war, describe the progress the country has made in upholding peace, and describe the contributions that Japan can make to Asia and the rest of the world in the coming decades.
今年年初,安倍宣佈他將在70週年講話中表達日本對戰爭的懺悔,描述日本在支援和平方面所取得的進步,並表達日本可以在未來幾十年對亞洲和世界其他地區的和平所做的貢獻。
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In fact, it is the third component of the announcement that inspires fear in some observers: By helping to build a strong security architecture in the Asia-Pacific region, Japan could undermine the ability of some actors to advance their own interests.
事實上,第三部分引起了一些觀察者的擔憂:通過幫助亞太地區構建強大的安全結構,日本可能破壞某些行動方主張自身利益的能力。
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因此,它們用謠言攻擊安倍的講話,哪怕距離講話時間還有幾個月之久、演講詞都沒有開始撰寫。
That is why they launched a whisper campaign against Abe’s statement months before he even began to write it.
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But, of course, Asian security and prosperity is in everyone’s interest.
但是,亞洲的安全與繁榮當然事關所有人的利益。
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因此,即便安倍講話的用詞並非十分重要,重要的是他所表達的決心,以及他(以合適的謙遜態度)拿出怎樣的行動。
Given this, not even the language of Abe’s statement is particularly important; what matters is the determination he expresses, and the actions he takes to follow through – with appropriate humility – on his pledges.
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事實上,安倍似乎決心要在與日本友邦和盟國進行有效合作的基礎上為和平做出真正的貢獻。
And it seems that Abe is, indeed, determined to make real contributions to peace, based on effective cooperation with Japan’s friends and allies.
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But if Asia is to move beyond its past, the victims of Japan’s wartime aggression must recognize that the Japan of 2015 is not the Japan of 1931, 1941, or even 1945, and that, as many Asian leaders have realized over the years, forgiveness benefits everyone.
但如果亞洲要超越歷史恩怨,日本戰時侵略的受害者就必須承認2015年的日本不是1931、1941乃至1945年的日本,並且,如許多亞洲領導人在過去幾年中所認識到的,原諒可以給所有人帶來好處。
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1998年,韓國總統金大中對前日本首相小淵惠三的講話予以積極迴應。
In 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae-jung responded positively to a statement by former Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi.
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印度尼西亞、菲律賓、越南和其他國家也是如此,現在它們都歡迎日本與盟國攜手保護地區安全的承諾。
The governments of Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam, and other countries have done the same, and now welcome Japan’s commitment to act with its allies to protect regional security.
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These countries’ openness to reconciliation have enabled Japan to recast itself as a key arbiter of regional peace and prosperity, not to mention an increasingly dynamic cultural hub.
這些國家對和解的開放態度讓日本重新鑄造其地區和平與繁榮重要仲裁者的形象,更不用說活力日盛的文化樞紐了。
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該地區其他國家也應該效而仿之,按字面意思接受日本誠摯的道歉,與日本共同建設更美好的未來。
It is time for the rest of the region to follow suit, accepting at face value Japan’s sincere apologies and working with the country to build a better future.
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在亞洲面臨嚴重安全挑戰的當下,這一立場無比緊要。
At a time when Asia is facing serious security challenges, this stance could not be more urgent.
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