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如果真的以補償巴勒斯坦人所受的損失為解決問題的基本原則,那麼總有比成立仰仗外國援助的貧困國家更好的辦法來解決這場巴以衝突。
If compensation for wrongs to the Palestinians was to be the guiding principle, there were always better ways of going about it than to found a rickety, poverty-ridden new country dependent on foreign aid.
翻譯成中文。
Most people have forgotten that the Paris Protocols of April 1994 established a customs union between Israel and the occupied territories, with a joint Economic Council to adjudicate trade disputes.
絕大多數人已經忘記1994年4月簽訂的《巴黎協議》建立了以色列和被佔領土關稅同盟,並規定由聯合經濟委員會負責對貿易糾紛做出裁決。
翻譯成英文。
貨物、勞工和資金的自由流動可以在很大程度上推動巴勒斯坦國內生產總值的發展。
The free movement of goods, labor, and capital between the two parts could have given a tremendous economic boost to Palestinian GDP.
翻譯成中文。
這也可以成為建立聯邦制國家的基礎,西岸定居者的生產和納稅會幫助聯邦制度下的巴勒斯坦方面。
It could also have been the basis of a confederal state, whose Palestinian part would have benefited from the West Bank settlers’ productivity and taxes.
翻譯成中文。
But this benign prospect was undermined by the violence needed to maintain the Jewish state and enable the emergence of a Palestinian one.
但如此美好的前景卻遭到以保護猶太國、成立巴勒斯坦國為目的的暴力的無情破壞。
翻譯成英文。
The official view remains that only an internationally guaranteed two-state settlement will bring about the security needed for the economic revival of the Palestinian territories.
主流觀點仍然堅持只有國際社會擔保的兩國解決方案才能確保巴勒斯坦地區經濟復甦所必不可少的安全。
翻譯成英文。
But it is just possible that unilateral Israeli policy, implicitly backed by the US, will create interim conditions of peace that are sufficient for economic growth to cool Palestinian nationalism.
但我們必須承認這種可能性,即受到美國暗中支援的以色列單邊政策可以創造和平發展經濟的臨時條件,而經濟的發展則能夠熄滅巴勒斯坦民族主義的火焰。
翻譯成英文。
巴勒斯坦解放事業甚至談不上阿拉伯國家壓倒一切的當務之急,因此內塔尼亞胡的深度防禦策略比阿巴斯博取國際承認的建國策略取得成功的機會更大。
The Palestinian cause is not the overriding preoccupation of even the Arab states, so Netanyahu’s strategy of defense in depth stands a better chance of success than Abbas’s pursuit of statehood through international recognition.
翻譯成中文。
內塔尼亞胡的計劃不合乎道德原則。
Netanyahu’s project is not moral.
翻譯成中文。
But that doesn’t mean that it won’t work, at least for a time.
但這並不意味著這項計劃不會取得至少某種短期效果。
翻譯成英文。
為科索沃建立邦聯
A Confederation for Kosovo
翻譯成中文。
留給科索沃的時間已經越來越少了。
Time is running out in Kosovo.
翻譯成中文。
如果一項由聯合國支援的解決方案在十二月初不能出臺,那麼在這個省佔多數的阿爾巴尼亞族很可能會單方面宣佈獨立。 美國曾表示會支援這一舉動。
If a United Nations-backed settlement is not reached by early December, the province’s majority Albanian population is likely to declare independence unilaterally – a move that the United States has announced it may support.
翻譯成中文。
That would be a disastrous step.
那將是一個災難性的舉動。
翻譯成英文。
Russia would be furious, because it fears that Kosovo’s secession – whether or not it is internationally recognized – might fuel separatist movements in the former Soviet empire.
俄羅斯會震怒,因為它擔心科索沃一旦分離,不管是否為國際所承認,都會進一步引發前蘇聯帝國內部主張獨立的運動。
翻譯成英文。
Serbia is even more strongly opposed.
塞爾維亞甚至會更激烈地表示反對。
翻譯成英文。
Dusan Prorokovic, Serbia’s state secretary for Kosovo, has said that his country might use force to maintain its sovereignty.
塞爾維亞負責科索沃問題的國務祕書普羅洛科維奇曾表示他的國家可能會動用武力來維護他的主權。
翻譯成英文。
Even if the government hesitates, ultranationalist groups might push Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica to send in troops: the current UN presence in Kosovo is very thin (only 40 “military observers” and 2,116 policemen) but the stationing of 15,000 NATO troops could make any armed clash very dangerous.
即便政府會在這個問題上猶豫不決,極端民族主義團體也可能會迫使總理科什圖尼察派出軍隊。 聯合國目前在科索沃的軍事力量非常薄弱(只有40個“軍事觀察員”和2116名警察),但是在那裡駐紮15000名北約軍隊也許會使任何的武裝衝突變得非常危險。
翻譯成英文。
在經過八年的國際管制後,科索沃佔據多數的阿爾巴尼亞族已經嚐到了自由的味道,並且渴望完全獨立。
After eight years of international administration, Kosovo’s Albanian majority has tasted freedom and is eager for full independence.
翻譯成中文。
但是塞爾維亞宣稱,這個省從歷史和文化傳統上都是它的一個重要部分。
But Serbia claims that the province remains an essential part of its historical and cultural tradition.
翻譯成中文。
Moreover, independence would not be accepted by the Serbian public, which has already watched in dismay as “Great Serbia” has been gradually whittled away, most recently with the secession of Montenegro.
此外,獨立也不能為塞爾維亞的公眾所接受,他們已經眼睜睜地看著“大塞爾維亞”一點點地在縮小,而最近是黑山共和國分離。
翻譯成英文。
塞爾維亞已經準備給予科索沃只會“得到增強的自治權”,以及部分簽定國際協約的地位。
Serbia is prepared to concede only “enhanced autonomy” to Kosovo, and some capacity to enter into international agreements.
翻譯成中文。
然而,儘管這兩方看上去似乎無法調和,要取得妥協現在還為時不晚。
Yet, while the two parties now seem irreconcilable, it is not too late for compromise.
翻譯成中文。
But this is possible only by resuscitating – and updating – an old institution of the international community: a confederation of states.
但是這隻有通過復甦以及更新一個國際社會的舊的機制,也就是多國邦聯才有可能實現。
翻譯成英文。
By means of a binding UN Security Council resolution, Kosovo could be granted full and exclusive authority over its citizens and territory, as well as limited capacity for action on the international scene.
通過有約束力的聯合國安理會決議,科索沃可以被授予對其公民和領土全面和唯一的管轄權,以及在國際層面採取行動的有限權力。
翻譯成英文。
It could be authorized to enter into trade agreements as well as agreements concerning individuals (for example, admission and circulation of foreigners, or extradition), plus the right to seek admission to the UN (which does not require full sovereignty and independence).
可以允許其簽署貿易協議以及與個人相關的協議(比如,允許外國人入境及在其境內活動,或者引渡),以及尋求加入聯合國的權利(聯合國並不要求完全的主權和獨立)。
翻譯成英文。
Kosovo would thus gain some essential trappings of statehood.
科索沃將因此獲得某些表明國家地位的重要外部標誌。
翻譯成英文。
However, a decision-making body consisting of delegates from Kosovo, Serbia, and the European Union would be given full authority over major foreign policy issues (for example, alliances and relations with international economic institutions), defence, borders (in case Kosovo wished to join with Albania), and the treatment of Kosovo’s Serbian minority.
然而,一個由科索沃、塞爾維亞和歐盟代表組成的決策機構將全權處理重大的外交政策事宜(比如,與國際經濟組織的結盟及關係)、防務、邊界(如果科索沃想加入阿爾巴尼亞的話)以及處理科索沃境內塞爾維亞少數民族的問題。
翻譯成英文。
其結果是,科索沃和塞爾維亞將組成兩個不同的國際主體,捆綁在由一個共同決策機構將其連線起來的邦聯體下。
As a result, Kosovo and Serbia would constitute two distinct international subjects, bound by a confederation hinging on a common decision-making body.
翻譯成中文。
Of course, this confederation would be asymmetrical, because the Serbian government’s sovereignty over the rest of Serbia would remain intact and unlimited, whereas the Kosovar government’s “sovereignty” over Kosovo would be restrained.
當然,這個同盟體是不對稱的,因為塞爾維亞政府對塞爾維亞其他部分的主權不會受到影響和限制,而科索沃政府對科索沃的“主權”會受到約束。
翻譯成英文。
為避免兩方的任何一方佔據上風而強行通過專橫的決定,這個共同決策機構將由四名來自塞爾維亞的代表、兩名來自科索沃的代表和三名來自歐盟的代表組成,這樣就需要兩方都要獲得歐盟代表的支援。
To avoid one of the two parties getting the upper hand and imposing arbitrary decisions, the common decision-making body should consist of four Serbian delegates, two Kosovar delegates, and three representatives of the EU, thus requiring both sides to gain the support of the European delegates.
翻譯成中文。
In addition, the EU should create a small but effective military force (say, 5,000 troops) to back up the common body’s decisions.
此外,歐盟應該建立一支小但卻有效的軍事力量(比如說,5000人的部隊)來支援共同決策機構所做出的決定。
翻譯成英文。
像任何妥協一樣,參與的各方在這一安排中都會有所得也有所失。
As with any compromise, the contending parties would both gain and lose from this arrangement.
翻譯成中文。
塞爾維亞會保全臉面,並且將繼續對有關科索沃的重大問題、包括科索沃的塞爾維亞少數民族的問題擁有話語權。
Serbia would save face, and would continue to have a say on crucial matters concerning Kosovo, including the treatment of the Serbian minority.
翻譯成中文。
Kosovo would acquire limited independence, with its status rising from a province of a sovereign state to an international subject capable of entering into certain agreements with other states and even joining the UN.
科索沃會獲得有限的獨立,它的地位將從一個主權國家的省上升到一個能夠與其他國家簽署某種協定、甚至加入聯合國的國際主體。
翻譯成英文。
通過給一個高度動盪的地區注入穩定,歐盟也會同樣從中受益。
The EU would benefit as well, by contributing to the stabilization of a highly volatile area.
翻譯成中文。
Subsequently, the EU would monitor Kosovo and prevent any dispute that might turn violent.
其結果是,歐盟將會監管科索沃,並且防止任何可能會引發暴亂的爭端發生。
翻譯成英文。
A final advantage of this solution is that it would be temporary.
這一解決方案的最後一點好處是它會是臨時性的。
翻譯成英文。
在歷史上,邦聯早晚都會變成聯邦(就像在美國、德國和瑞士發生的那樣),或者在離心力的推動下,分裂開(就像1958年建立的阿拉伯聯合共和國,它在三年後分裂成了埃及和敘利亞)。
Historically, confederations sooner or later either become federations (as occurred in the US, Germany, and Switzerland) or, pushed by centrifugal forces, split up (as with the United Arab Republic, established in 1958, which split three years later into Egypt and Syria).
翻譯成中文。
The confederation I advocate would thus constitute an intermediate stage (lasting five or ten years), at the end of which Kosovo is likely to become fully independent.
我所提倡的這個邦聯因此將是一箇中間步驟(延續5到10年時間),在這一階段最後科索沃可能會完全獨立。
翻譯成英文。
Delaying a final solution in this way would provide time to verify Kosovo’s prospects of joining the EU and thus eventually sharing “sovereign authority” with other independent states, which could deflate Kosovars’ dangerously robust nationalistic demands.
以這種方式延後一個最終的解決方案可以為驗證科索沃加入歐盟的前景從而最終享有與其他獨立國家同等的“主權權力”提供時間,也可以給科索沃危險的高漲的建立國家的要求降降溫。
翻譯成英文。
全球變暖的成本計算
A Cool Calculus of Global Warming
翻譯成中文。
英國政府最近釋出了迄今為止關於全球變暖的經濟成本和風險最為全面的研究報告,並提出了可能減少溫室氣體排放的措施,希望藉此避免一些最可怕的後果。
The British government recently issued the most comprehensive study to date of the economic costs and risks of global warming, and of measures that might reduce greenhouse gas emissions, in the hope of averting some of the direst consequences.
翻譯成中文。
這份報告在繼任世界銀行首席經濟學家的,倫敦經濟學院尼古拉斯▪斯特恩爵士的主持下完成。 它明確指出問題的關鍵不在於我們是否能夠負擔得起應對全球變暖的措施,而在於我們是否能夠承受無所作為的後果。
Written under the leadership of Sir Nicholas Stern of the London School of Economics, who succeeded me as Chief Economist of the World Bank, the report makes clear that the question is no longer whether we can afford to do anything about global warming, but whether we can afford not to.
翻譯成中文。
The report proposes an agenda whose cost would be equivalent to just 1% of annual consumption, but would save the world risk equivalent costs that are five times greater.
該報告提出的計劃其成本只等於年消費的1%,但卻能為世界節省5倍的風險等價成本。
翻譯成英文。
所報告的全球變暖成本比早先的研究中提出的要高,那是因為它將越來越多的新證據考慮在內,比如全球變暖是一個高度複雜且非線性的過程。 一種不可忽視的可能性是它發生的速度比我們先前想象的要快,而且變暖的程度也比我們先前想象的要高。
The reported costs of global warming are higher than in earlier studies because it takes into account the mounting evidence that the process of global warming is highly complex and non-linear, with a non-negligible chance that it may proceed much faster than had previously been thought and that the extent of warming may be much greater than had previously been thought.
翻譯成中文。
Indeed, the study may actually significantly underestimate the costs: for instance, climate change may lead to more weather variability, a possible disappearance or major shift of the Gulf Stream – of particular concern to Europe – and a flourishing of disease.
的確,這項研究實際上很可能還大大低估了相關成本:例如,氣候變化會引起天氣的更大可變性,可能造成墨西哥灣暖流的變化消失—歐洲特別擔心的問題—並引發大量的疾病。
翻譯成英文。
當我在1995年任職於“政府間氣候變化專門委員會”(Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change),這個定期對全球變暖的科學研究進行評估的科學機構時,有令人震驚的證據表明溫室氣體在大氣中的集中程度自工業革命開始已經顯著增加。 還有證據表明人類活動在很大程度上造成了這種集中。
When I served in 1995 on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the scientific group that periodically assesses the science of global warming, there was overwhelming evidence that the concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere had increased markedly since the beginning of the industrial revolution, that human activity had contributed significantly to those increases, and that they would have profound effects on climate and sea levels.
翻譯成中文。
溫室氣體集中度的增加會對氣候和海平面產生強烈的影響。 但幾乎沒有人認識到北極冰蓋以現在的速度融化也與此有關。
But few saw, for instance, the Artic ice cap melting as rapidly as now seems to be the case.
翻譯成中文。
可仍然有人建議說由於還不清楚全球變暖的情況究竟有多嚴重,我們應該靜觀其變甚至無所作為。
Still, some suggest that because we are not certain about how bad global warming will be, we should do little or nothing.
翻譯成中文。
在我看來,不確定性應該使我們今天更堅定地採取行動。
To me, uncertainty should make us act more resolutely today, not less.
翻譯成中文。
As one scientist friend puts it: if you are driving on a mountain road, approaching a cliff, in a car whose brakes may fail, and a fog bank rolls in, should you drive more or less cautiously?
正如我的一個科學家朋友所說:如果你在一條山路上開車,駛向一處懸崖,而汽車的制動系統可能有問題,又正逢山霧瀰漫,你應該開得更謹慎還是更隨意呢?
翻譯成英文。
全球變暖是少數幾個令科學界比令大眾更擔心的問題。
Global warming is one of those rare instances where the scientific community is more fearful of what may be happening than the population at large.
翻譯成中文。
Scientists have glimpsed what the future may portend.
科學家們已經窺見了未來。
翻譯成英文。
As the Stern report points out, as usual, the poor are the most vulnerable.
正如斯特恩的報告中所指出,和很多情況下一樣窮國是最脆弱的。
翻譯成英文。
A third of Bangladesh will be underwater by the end of this century.
到本世紀末孟加拉國三分之一的國土會被海水淹沒。
翻譯成英文。
馬爾地夫和一些太平洋島國會消失:成為我們二十一世紀的亞特蘭蒂斯。
The Maldives and a host of Pacific Island states will disappear: our twenty-first-century Atlantis.
翻譯成中文。
對於一位經濟學家而言,問題是明顯的:汙染的製造者們沒有為自己造成的破壞完全買單。
To an economist, the problem is obvious: polluters are not paying the full costs of the damage they cause.
翻譯成中文。
Pollution is a global externality of enormous proportions.
汙染是一項比例巨大的全球性外部因素。
翻譯成英文。
發達國家可能並非有意危害孟加拉國和那些正在消失的島國,但即便是戰爭也沒有這樣的破壞力。
The advanced countries might mean Bangladesh and the disappearing island states no harm, but no war could be more devastating.
翻譯成中文。
應對一項全球性外部因素的最佳方式是通過一個全球認同的稅率。
A global externality can best be dealt with by a globally agreed tax rate.
翻譯成中文。
This does not mean an increase in overall taxation, but simply a substitution in each country of a pollution (carbon) tax for some current taxes.
這並不是意味著總體稅收的增加,而僅僅是在每一個國家以一項汙染(碳)稅取代現有的某些稅種。
翻譯成英文。
It makes much more sense to tax things that are bad, like pollution, than things that are good, like savings and work.
對汙染這樣的不良現象徵稅比對儲蓄和工作等良好的事物徵稅更有道理。
翻譯成英文。
Although President George W. Bush says he believes in markets, in this case he has called for voluntary action.
雖然布什總統聲稱他相信市場的作用,但在這一問題上他還是呼籲自發的行動。
翻譯成英文。
But it makes far more sense to use the force of markets – the power of incentives – than to rely on goodwill, especially when it comes to oil companies that regard their sole objective as maximizing profits, regardless of the cost to others.
但更為明智的做法的利用市場的力量—激勵機制的力量—而不是依靠善意,特別是當情況涉及那些將利益最大化作為唯一目標而不顧其行為對他人的影響的石油公司。
翻譯成英文。
Exxon has reportedly been funding so-called think tanks to undermine confidence in the science of global warming, just as the tobacco industry funded “research” to question the validity of statistical findings showing the link between smoking and cancer.
據報道埃克森公司對一些所謂的“智庫”提供支援以削弱公眾對全球變暖的科學的信心,正如菸草工業資助質疑吸菸與癌症之間的聯絡的“研究”一樣。
翻譯成英文。
有些公司甚至似乎在慶祝極地冰蓋的融化,因為這會降低它們在北冰洋開採石油的成本��
Some companies even seem to celebrate the melting of the polar ice cap, because it will reduce the cost of extracting the oil that lies beneath the Arctic Ocean.
翻譯成中文。
好訊息是我們有很多辦法可以通過改善後的激勵機制減少(溫室氣體的)排放—其中一個辦法是取消對低效使用能源的種種補貼。
The good news is that there are many ways by which improved incentives could reduce emissions – partly by eliminating the myriad of subsidies for inefficient usages.
翻譯成中文。
美國對用玉米為原料製備的乙醇提供補貼,而卻對以糖為原料的乙醇徵收關稅,被這一稅則掩蓋的是對石油和天然氣工業的鉅額補貼。
The US subsidizes corn-based ethanol, and imposes tariffs on sugar-based ethanol; hidden in the tax code are billions of dollars of subsidies to the oil and gas industries.
翻譯成中文。
Most importantly, price signals that show the true social costs of energy derived from fossil fuels will encourage innovation and conservation.
最為重要的是,顯示來自化石燃料的能源所造成的真實成本的價格訊號會鼓勵創新和節能。
翻譯成英文。
Small changes in practices, when replicated by hundreds of millions of people, can make an enormous difference.
日常行為的小小改變如果被成千上萬的人實踐就能扭轉局面。
翻譯成英文。
For example, simply changing the color of roofs in warm climates to reflect sunlight or planting trees around houses can lead to great savings on energy used for air conditioning.
例如,僅僅改變氣候溫暖的地區的房屋頂部顏色以反射陽光,或在房屋周圍植樹就能實現空調耗能的大量節省。
翻譯成英文。
We have but one planet, and should treasure it.
我們只有一個地球,我們應該珍愛它。
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Global warming is a risk that we simply cannot afford to ignore anymore.
全球變暖是一個我們無論如何都不能再忽視的風險。
翻譯成英文。
每臨大事有靜氣
A Cool Head for the Hottest Issues
翻譯成中文。
LONDON – Reading Barack Obama’s Dreams from My Father , the US president’s beautifully written reflections on his early life and identity, most people are struck by his cool and intellectual approach.
發自倫敦 —— 當讀到《我父親的夢想》這本美國總統奧巴馬用優美的文筆敘述自己早年生活以及個人身份定位的自傳時,許多人都會驚訝於他那種冷靜而理智的做事方式。
翻譯成英文。
This is not to say that he is unemotional.
但這並不是說奧巴馬就是個毫無感情的人。
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他這個人可以表現得狂野暴躁,有時也會軟弱無力。
Obama can rage and weep.
翻譯成中文。
But he rarely seems to act on the basis of raw sentiment or instinctive prejudice.
但奧巴馬似乎很少由著自己不加掩飾的情感或者本能的偏見行事。
翻譯成英文。
得益於他的務實和睿智,所有事物遲早都會被奧巴馬仔細研究和審視。
Pragmatic and highly intelligent, sooner or later every issue receives the full attention of his forensic curiosity.
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再回想到希拉里 · 克林頓在民主黨總統初選時釋出的著名電視廣告,每個人都會毫不猶豫地認為奧巴馬就是他們所期望的那個能在凌晨 3 點鐘拿起電話處理國際危機的總統。
Recalling Hillary Clinton’s famous Democratic primary television advertisement, Obama, it turns out, is exactly the sort of president that most of us would want to have in the post for that 3 a.m. phone call about an international crisis.
翻譯成中文。
在行動面前他從不縮手縮腳,但在此之前,他必會三思。
He would not be afraid to act, but he would be prepared to think first.
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I do not think, therefore, that Obama will be too vexed by some of the criticism he faces at the end of his first year in office, though he will undoubtedly grimace at the defeat of the Democratic candidate in the special election in Massachusetts to fill Ted Kennedy’s old seat.
因此我覺得奧巴馬大概也不會被自己第一任任期即將結束時所面臨的種種批評所困擾,雖然他肯定會對馬薩諸塞州因泰德 · 肯尼迪參議員過世而舉行的特別選舉中民主黨候選人的落馬而感到有點惱火。 一年之前,這位總統承受了過度的讚譽;
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如今 12 個月過去了,他所揹負的批評自然也會登峰造極。
Obama was praised extravagantly a year ago; 12 months on, the criticism is over the top, too.
翻譯成中文。
Obama inherited a terrible legacy – recession, financial meltdown, Iraq, Afghanistan. He has not solved all of these problems.
奧巴馬繼承的是一筆非常糟糕的遺產 —— 經濟衰退,財政崩潰,伊拉克,還有阿富汗。
翻譯成英文。
他還未能解決上述所有問題,然而除了允許自己任由以色列總理內塔尼亞胡擺佈,以及令中國人相信他正在照中國的意思構建一個新的中美雙邊關係之外,似乎也沒有出什麼大的紕漏。
But it is difficult to see any really bad mistakes, except perhaps allowing himself to be pushed around by Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and giving China the impression that he was prepared for a bilateral relationship entirely on China’s terms.
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That seems to be changing now.
但事情如今也有了轉機。
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奧巴馬可能會意識到,當自己是世界唯一超級大國的領袖時,如果想得到人們的尊敬,就得至少要讓別人有點害怕你。
Obama may have come to understand that when you are the leader of the world’s only superpower, you need to be feared just a little if you are to be respected.
翻譯成中文。
The left in America criticizes Obama for not turning the economy around already.
美國左派批評奧巴馬至今沒有令經濟完全復甦。
翻譯成英文。
The right angrily denounces him as a crypto-communist because he wants every American to have health care.
右派則憤怒地宣稱他是個共黨地下黨員,因為他試圖令每個美國人都享受醫療保險。
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但不知道這位用平和的心態去看待這個漫長過程的總統,自己又在琢磨些什麼呢?
With a dispassionate eye on the long game, what will the president himself be thinking?
翻譯成中文。
對此,奧巴馬肯定會考慮的一個問題就是那個籠罩了世界多年的陰影。
One issue that Obama is certain to have in his sights is a problem that shadowed the world for years.
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在我成長的那個
When I was growing up in the 1950’s and 1960’s, world peace was based on the nuclear standoff between the US and the Soviet Union. The main strategic assessment on both sides of the Berlin Wall was that if either side made a wrong move, all of us might end up consumed in the flames of a nuclear holocaust.
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We have forgotten those days.
如今人們已經淡忘了那些年月。
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但這個星球上依然有 2 萬 3 千枚核彈頭,破壞力相當於 15 萬枚廣島原子彈。
Yet there are still 23,000 nuclear warheads on our planet, with the explosive power of 150,000 Hiroshima bombs.
翻譯成中文。
Terrorist groups would undoubtedly like to get their hands on one.
而那些恐怖組織也肯定很想搞到其中的一兩枚。
翻譯成英文。
In all, there are eight nuclear-weapon states – the US, Russia, Britain, France, China, Israel, India, and Pakistan.
世界上總共有 8 個核武國家 —— 美、俄、英、法、中,還有印巴兩國以及以色列。
翻譯成英文。
North Korea may also have a few bombs. Iran is believed by many to be trying to develop one.
朝鮮可能也有幾枚原子彈,很多人也相信伊朗正在努力發展核武器。
翻譯成英文。
Other states, which have their own civil nuclear capacity, have the potential to develop a weapon. The number of countries in this category is bound to increase as the number of nuclear power reactors doubles over the next 20 years.
其它擁有民用核技術的國家也有製造原子彈的潛力,而這些國家正計劃在未來 20 年內將核反應堆的數量增加一倍。
翻譯成英文。
《核不擴散條約》文字中列明的核國家數目已經過時。
The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has contained the number of nuclear states.
翻譯成中文。